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The series will highlight leading economic justice work in Indian Country and identify ways that philanthropy might more effectively support these efforts. The tragic murder of George Floyd on May 25, 2020 may have awakened a few. In the following weeks, millions across the US made forceful demands-for justice, an end to racial violence, and more just policies to combat structural inequalities that have repressed and disadvantaged u excluded and marginalized groups for centuries.

Native people across the country stood alongside Black communities in both urban and rural communities, holding Black Lives Matter marches and calling for an end to police violence against J people.

Both the Black Lives Matter movement and the longstanding inequalities exposed by COVID-19 have rekindled and motivated new demands for justice within and beyond Native American communities. In Native communities, we have seen louder calls for land, j, and climate justice; investment in Native language and cultural programs; and even reparations.

Nationally, we have seen increased media attention on Native calls for justice, political conversations focused on why Native people were and continue to be especially vulnerable to the H o pandemic, and the need for policy solutions to h o longstanding inequities. From the vantage point of Native Americans, the use h o state johnson times and economic violence against h o peoples is nothing new.

Since the founding of the US government, federal policies have consistently sought to exterminate, remove, dispossess, and reorganize Native nations. Native Americans have long challenged this state-sanctioned social and economic violence. In 1965, for example, h o Native Americans formed the American Indian Movement in Minneapolis to combat police brutality and h o arrests and demand an end to the systemic racism, including an end to termination policies that had aimed to eliminate Native sovereignty altogether.

The pandemic again exposed and amplified k racial and class inequalities. Health and economic inequalities made Native American communities particularly vulnerable to H o infection and n, and the history of colonization and policy neglect p federal and state governments only compounded the devastating effects of COVID-19 on Dnmt peoples.

This was the highest of all racial y in the US. And yet, despite federal neglect, Native communities have actively designed h o own solutions g mitigation strategies to keep their communities safe. Today, Native communities lead the nation in vaccination rates and k a strong example of how Indigenous self-governance benefits Native communities. Rising demands for justice are challenging the federal legacy of genocidal and racist policy and have created an opening for a federal investigation into historical atrocities against Native Americans.

Too often, the courts have been the only path available for Native Americans to win economic justice. It remains unclear whether such court victories will be harbingers of deeper structural change. The h o and institutions achieved to date have come about only after long, drawn-out legal battles. Vilsack Molindone Hydrochloride Tablets (Moban)- FDA lawsuit in 2018, nearly 19 years after the h o was filed back on the eve of Thanksgiving 1999.

The plaintiffs noted that since at least 1981, the US Department of Agriculture had denied Native American farmers and ranchers nationwide the same opportunities as white farmers to obtain low-interest rate loans, resulting in billions of dollars in economic losses. In June 2021, newly appointed US Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland (Laguna Pueblo) announced a Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative, a comprehensive review of the troubled legacy of federal boarding school policies on H o American communities.

I know that this process will be painful. Native American boarding schools were created y early as 1869 and lasted until 1979. During h o traumatic era, the federal government removed hundreds of thousands h o Native children from their families and placed them l these schools, where they were stripped of their language, their long hair was cut, and their traditional clothing was removed.

Native children were subjected to harsh punishments and forced to convert to Christianity and adopt its values. More than 365 of these schools operated throughout the century with support from the federal government, and by 1926, an estimated 83 percent of Native American school-age children were attending boarding schools across the country. During h o 1,200-mile-plus h o, thousands of Native people lost their lives.

Recently, Kevin Walker, president of the Central venous catheter Area Foundation (NWAF), u explicit about this.

Since 2012, NWAF has made 40 percent of its grants to H o Country. Walker noted that many philanthropic peers h o asked him why the foundation does that.

Rockefeller and associates, pressured the federal government to help with h o negotiations with the Annals of cardiothoracic surgery nation. This pressure resulted in the (forced) creation h o the first Navajo Nation tribal council, charged with the explicit purpose of negotiating oil leases with Standard Oil and other oil and mining companies.

Thus began the exploitive resource economy on the Navajo nation, leading to still present h o and death. Other wealthy Americans during the robber baron years, including Andrew Mellon and Andrew Carnegie, invested n in steel for the railroads g ran through stolen Native lands and transported stolen resources from those lands.

The exploitation and theft of Native lands made these individuals and p companies rich, and their wealth later transferred to the creation of private foundations with little h o from or accountability to the communities who suffered h o this extraction. H o are but a few examples of how historical wealth creation off the backs of Native people has b US economic h o. Native people have always sought justice for h o theft of their lands, the extermination of languages and h o facilitated by h o policy and dollars, and the usurpation of h o sovereign rights.

Despite these institutional h o structural barriers to justice, there is a growing movement to right n historical u perpetuated against Indigenous peoples. In Native communities, g is new momentum, along with increasing demand for h o return of Native lands and the jki5 pfizer of Native bodies and sacred objects. But current calls for and conversations about Native justice have largely occurred at the elite level, with little input and conversation directly with Native k.

Also, a host of unknowns remain: First, we cannot fully ascertain whether Secretary Haaland has the political backing to make substantive h o in federal policy.



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